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Hart / Hicks 1998

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Hart, Vaughan; Hicks, Peter (Hrsg.): Paper Palaces: The Rise of the Renaissance Architectural Treatise. – New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998.

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[…]

greatest artistic and literary figures of the time (Aretino, Titian, Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, Michelangelo …), and the most eminent members of the Roman intelligentsia such as the humanist clerics Angelo Colocci and Marcello Cervini (the future Pope Marcello II), but also to acquire direct knowledge of the most important architectural creations of the time (such as the construction of St Peter's, Palazzo Farnese, the Laurenziana library, etc.) and to combine this with detailed study of ancient ruins in Verona, Rimini, Spoleto, Naples, and, especially, Rome (Wiebenson 1988, 67–74; Lemerle 1991, VII-XV). 

It was through Cervini, a keen scholar of alchemy, medicine and architecture, that Philandrier was admitted to the Accademia della Virtù (of which Cervini was a member).

Kommentar: Sowohl für die Cervini zugeschriebenen Fächer (unter denen Mathematik, Astronomie und Chronologie markanterweise fehlen!) sowie die Behauptung, Cervini habe Philandrier Zugang zur Accademia verschafft, hätte man gern Belege …

This Roma academy had been founded by Claudio Tolomei from Siena during the winter of 1540–41 to develop the study in, and publication of, Roman antiquities, and notably publish an edition of Vitruvius with a commentary, destined never to see the light of day (Tolomei 1547; Pagliara 1986, 67–85). Moreover, Philandrier associated with the Sangallos: Antonio da Sangallo was interested in the theoretical problems arising from the reading of the De Architectura, and his brother Giovanni Battista 

[Fortsetzung auf S. 188]

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was working on a translation of the antique treatise, annotating and illustration a copy of the editio princeps (Pagliara 1988, 179–206). As a result of his dual education, humanist and architectural, Philandrier was in the perfect position to make a synthesis of Serlio's theory of the Orders and contemporary Vitruvian research.

The Annotationes of 1544 and 1552

Philandrier published his Annotationes on the treatise of Vitruvius, an illustrated Latin commentary on the De Architectura written in note form (annotationes), in Rome in 1544 at the press of Andrea Dossena (Philandrier 1544). These annotations are arranged in books and chapters around short quotations of Vitruvius. 

Kommentar: Diese Anordnung folgt natürlich derjenigen Vitruvs, was hier nicht deutlich wird, da es so klingt, als stamme diese Anordnung von Philandrier; dabei diente sie natürlich der schnelleren Orientierung des Lesers in seiner Ausgabe der De Architectura libri decem, die er neben Philandriers Kommentar zum Textverständnis natürlich noch benötigte.

In addition to the commentary, there is in Book III a `digression' on the five architectural Orders, a text which is fundamental for the architectural theory of the Cinquecento (Lemerle 1994a, 33–41) (plate 2).

Kommentar: Wenn der Text der "digression" tatsächlich "grundlegend" für die Architekturtheorie des (italienischen) 16. Jahrhunderts sein sollte, müsste sich dies dadurch nachweisen lassen, dass sich alle späteren Architekturtheoretiker darauf beziehen … was m.W. nicht der Fall ist.

As he had done for his edition of Quintilian a few years previously (Philandrier 1535), Philandrier also proposed corrections (castigationes) when the Vitruvian text seemed to be corrupt. The work was reprinted the year after in Paris, by the printers Jacob Kerver and Michel Fezandat (Philandrier 1545).

The Annotationes were published again in Lyons, in 1552, at the print shop of Jean de Tournes, in an enriched version (Philandrier 1552). In this, the text of the Roman edition was revised (and made a third longer) and has for each chapter the corresponding text from the De Architectura; Philandrier was not, however, responsible for the Vitruvian text.

Kommentar: Hier handelt es sich günstigstenfalls um eine Verwechslung mit der Straßburger Ausgabe von 1550, denn für den Text der Ausgabe von 1552 zeichnet Philandrier sehr wohl selbst und selbstbewusst verantwortlich, da er im (zumeist ignorierten) Untertitel bekanntlich behauptet, diese Fassung des vitruvianischen Traktats beruhe auf der Emendation aller früheren Manuskriptfassungen und Ausgaben!

The Annotationes of 1552 were posthumously reprinted in 1586, in Geneva (Philandrier 1586; Lemerle 1994b, 617–29).

Kommentar: Die Edition von 1586 erschien ebenfalls bei Tournay in Lyon, nicht in Genf!

Philandrier's `Digression': The Serlian Heritage

The 'Digression', a small treatise on the Orders which Philandrier added to his commentary on Vitruvius's third book (Philandrier 1552, 96–110), 

Kommentar: Hieß es nicht eben noch, dieser Text sei bereits Teil der Ausgabe von 1544?

is presented by its author as a synthesis derived from the De Architectura, contemporary treatises and observations of antique monuments.

Kommentar: Welches sind die Quellen und Vergleichsbeispiele, die Philandrier herangezogen hat?

His main theoretical source was neither Alberti nor Diego de Sagredo (although he was occasionally inspired by them)

Kommentar: Belege?

but Serlio, who was the first to describe in a systematic way all five architectural Orders (Serlio 1537): that is, the three Greek Orders (Doric, Ionic, Corinthian) and the two Latin Orders (Tuscan and Composite).

Kommentar: Man könnte hier spitzfindig einwenden, dass die Toskanische Ordnung von Alberti als etruskische und damit "heimatliche" verstanden wurde und eben gerade nicht als "lateinische"…

The 'Digression' takes the form of an illustrated description of the five antique Orders, including the Composite (as Serlio had done in […]

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Vignola undoubtedly followed Serlio's activity closely.

Kommentar: "unzweifelhaft"? Belege?

The Regole generali by its subject and approach would be of capital significance for his own book. But in 1538 Vignola moved to Rome 

Kommentar: Hatte Vignola nicht schon 1537 Rom mit Primaticcio verlassen, um in Fontainbleau zu arbeiten…?

where, under the direction of Jacopo Meleghino (a former associate of both Peruzzi and Serlio as well as co-architect of St Peter's with Antonio da Sangallo the Younger), he worked as a painter and probably as a designer. The critical event of this Roman sojourn was his involvement with the Accademia della Virtù, a private association of intellectuals led by the Sienese humanist Claudio Tolomei (Pagliara 1986, 67–85). In a famous letter of 1542 Tolomei described the academy's goal as the publication of an ambitious multi-volume illustrated study of Vitruvius and ancient architecture (Tolomei 1547, 81–95; Barocchi 1971–7, 3037–46).

Kommentar: Die Beschränkung auf "Vitruvius and ancient architecture" ist natürlich ebenso falsch und irreführend wie die Seitenangabe für Tolomeis Brief, der von fol. 81 recto bis 85 recto reicht. Aber das mag ein Druckfehler sein… (auch wenn die Unterscheidung zwischen Seitenzahlen und Paginierung den Autoren egal zu sein scheint…)

Vignola contributed measured survey drawings. 

Kommentar: …was genau genommen eigentlich schon wieder eine zu spezifische Aussage ist, die sich aus Vasari und Danti (die hier verschwiegenen Quellen für diese Information) nicht ableiten lässt, den beide sagen nur, dass Vignola im Dienste der Akademie "alle Antiken Roms" vermessen habe…

They have been lost, 

Kommentar: … wenn man nur nach Originalzeichnungen von der Hand Vignolas sucht, kann der Eindruck entstehen…

but the impact of this intense archeological and philological experience informs both the Regola and his built works. Around the time the project fell apart and the Vitruvian academy disbanded, Vignola signed on with Francesco Primaticcio to produce bronze replicas of Vatican statuary for King François I of France (Cox-Rearich 1996, 325). This enterprise took him to Fontainebleau from 1541 to 1543, where he supervised the castings of the statues, painted and perhaps practised as an architect. Though scantily documented, this episode must have been significant for Vignola's education as a theorist: for one thing it brought renewed contact with Serlio, and for another it exposed him to the practical and theoretical challenges – already met by such leading French architect-theorists as Guillaume Philandrier, Jacqued Androuet du Cerceau and Philibert De l'Orme – of disseminating the Classical style in norther Europe.

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Returning to Italy in 1543, Vignola became architect-in-chief of the civic basilica of San Petronio in Bologna, a prestigious post beleagured by contentious debates about the propoer style with which to complete the immense Gothic monument. […]

By the time he settled permanently in Rome in 1550 – at which time he re-entered the service of the Farnese family and became architect to Pope Julius III – Vignola possessed a mature grasp of architectural theory.

It is probable that the Regola took final form during the 1550s. These years saw the triumphant beginning of Vignola's maturity as an architect. Early in the decade he planned the famous papal Villa Giulia along with the nearby chapel of Sant'Andrea in Via Flaminia, then designed the little fortress of Norcia and the church of the Madonna

[Fortsetzung auf S. 206]

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The Vitruvius of Daniele Barbaro

Even so, the ambitions of the dilettantes testify to how the policy of urban renewal promoted by Gritti stimulated some members of the nobility to acquire the theoretical tools necessary for controlling such a process. The climax of this trend was undoubtedly reached in 1556, when Daniele Barbaro published the first edition of his translation of, and commentary on, Vitruvius. Barbaro, patriarch elect of Aquileia, educated in Padua and member of an influential Venetian family of pro-Roman political leanings, had begun working on architectural theory in 1547 (Barbaro 1556, 274). In 1554 he spent some time in Rome, together with Palladio (who helped with the illustration in his Vitruvius), in order to undertake scholarly research into the correspondence (or otherwise) between the Roman's text and archaeological reality.

The date that marks the beginning of Barbaro's interest in architecture coincides

Kommentar: … so ein Zufall (coincidence)…

with the publication in Venice of a programme of Vitruvian studies which had been formulated by the Accademia della Virtù, founded in Rome by Claudio Tolomei in 1540–41.

Kommentar: Woher stammt das Datum?

It is therefore possible that the patriarch elect intended collecting Tolomei's abandoned material, thus bringing into being what for the Accademia had remained at the programmatic stage (Tafuri 1987a, XIII).

Kommentar: …was voraussetzt, dass das Akademie-Projekt um 1554 (oder schon um 1547? – Der Text ist hier nicht eindeutig.) bereits aufgegeben worden sei.

But the main ambition underlying Barbaro's monumental theoretical effort can, once more, be found to be of a `political' nature. 

Kommentar: Wo kann man diese Ambition denn begründet finden? Quelle?

His translation is the first to show a full understanding of the Latin text, so much so as to be held an indispensable reference until at least the end of the eighteenth century. His commentary, apart from illustrating his thorough knowledge of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century architectural treatises (from Alberti to Philandrier), reveals equal familiarity with texts on mathematics, geometry, astronomy,

[Fortsetzung auf S. 275]

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[Fortsetzung von S. 274]

navigation and agriculture, whether antique, medieval or contemporary. The resulting summa of technical-scientific knowledge leads us to presume that his work was aimed at readers who were cultured and erudite. Thus, once again, despite the use of the vernacular and the abundance of illustrations, the main public to whom a work on architectural theory was destined was not one of artisans.

Kommentar: Wie will man das beweisen? Über den Preis?

This is true at least for the first edition, a luxury folio volume of high price. In the second vernacular edition of 1567, the reduction to quarto and the simplification of text and illustrations (D'Evelin Muther 1994, 355–66) probably signal the start of a `second phase' in Barbaro's project, a phase in which he seems to address himself to readers more interested in architectural practice. It is significant, however, that this revision follows rather than preceds the version for Venice's nobility-rulers-patrons.

For in 1556 Barbaro had consciously addressed the nobility of Venice, as shown by the wide coverage of specifically Venetian 'institutional' themes in the commentary – namely, the problems of the defence of the Serenissima's frontiers, of the Arsenale, of the silting of the lagoon, and of the Republic's building traditions (Tafuri 1987a, XXII–XXIV). These themes were, however, partially abridged for the 1567 Latin edition destined for a `European' public (Morresi 197, XLI–LIII). Characteristically it is in the violent criticisms aimed at Venetian tradition that the patriarch elect reveals the final aim of his project: 'And if they [the Venetian people] think that their houses, as usually built, should be considered exemplary, they are greatly mistaken, because in fact this custom is exceedingly bad and faulty' [EN 9] (Barbaro 1556, 179 [my italics]). Barbaro's target it the type of the noble house/fondaco

Kommentar: Ist ein venezianischer 'fondaco' nicht ein öffentliches Handelshaus? Der Fondaco dei Tedeschi ist bspw. gerade kein Privathaus!

which had remained unchanged for centuries, with its tripartite structure revealed on the façade regardless of the stylistic 'clothing' in which the building was dressed, whether Byzantine, Gothic or proto-humanist. His famous reconstruction of the antique domus – in which, following Alberti and Cesariano, the atrium and cavedium are identified as parts of a single courtyard (plate 3) – was therefore intended for educational purposes: namely to teach the antique style to a hostile Republic (Tafuri 1987a, XXIV).

Extending this educational aim to the whole work, it is possible to identify in it a far broader polemical aspect. […]